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Means of Authorization: Establishing
Hierarchy in Ch'an/Zen Buddhism in America
Stuart Lachs[1]
Revised paper from presentation at the 1999 (Boston) Meeting of
the American Academy of Religion
Ch'an/Zen Buddhism has become widely accepted in the West during
the past fifty years. At the head of Zen institutions sits the person
of the Master/roshi. Through the mechanisms of sectarian histories,
ritual performance, a special language, koans, mondos,[2] and most importantly
through the ideas of Dharma transmission and Zen lineage, the supposedly
enlightened Zen Master/roshi is presented to the West as a person
with superhuman qualities. This presentation, mostly idealistic, is
meant to establish, maintain, and enhance the authority of the Zen
Master. It is also meant to legitimate the Zen institutions and establish
hierarchical structures within it. It is my contention that this idealistic
presentation has been widely and uncritically accepted in the West,
but more importantly it is the source of a variety of problems in
Western Zen.
I begin the paper by giving four examples showing the extremely idealistic
presentation of Zen in America. The examples will be from American,
Korean, Japanese, and Chinese teachers. I will show that this presentation
of Ch'an/Zen is widely accepted and in addition, display some of the
consequences of this acceptance. The American sociologist Peter L.
Berger will be introduced along with his view of the social construction
of reality. Berger's theory will be used throughout the paper as a
model for viewing Zen institutions. The defining terms of Zen; Master/roshi,
Dharma transmission, and Zen lineage as well as koans and ritual behavior
will be more closely examined. However idealistically these terms
are presented to Zen students, the reality of how they have been used
historically and what they mean in an institutional setting is quite
different. This idealistic presentation of the defining terms of Zen
is used to establish a mostly undeserved authority for the Master/roshi
and to legitimate the hierarchical structures of Ch'an/Zen. The result
of this presentation of Zen often leads to the Master/roshi being
alienated, in Berger's sense of the word. The paper ends with a few
suggestions for change in Zen from within the larger Buddhist tradition.
Idealistic Presentation
Richard
Baker, in perhaps the best selling Zen book in the English language,
Zen Mind, Beginner's Mind describes the term roshi in the following
manner,
A roshi is a person who has actualized that
perfect freedom which is the potentiality for all human beings.
He exists freely in the fullness of his whole being. The flow of
his consciousness is not the fixed repetitive patterns of our usual
self-centered consciousness, but rather arises spontaneously and
naturally from the actual circumstances of the present. The results
of this in terms of the quality of his life are extraordinary-buoyancy,
vigor, straightforwardness, simplicity, humility, security, joyousness,
uncanny perspicacity and unfathomable compassion. His whole being
testifies to what it means to live in the reality of the present.
Without anything said or done, just the impact of meeting a personality
so developed can be enough to change another's whole way of life.
But in the end it is not the extraordinariness of the teacher that
perplexes, intrigues, and deepens the student, it is the teacher's
utter ordinariness.[3]
It
should be noted that this was written as the introduction to the
words and teachings of Mr. Baker's teacher, Suzuki-roshi. This introduction
was meant to describe a real person, and by extension, as is clearly
stated, all people with the title roshi. It is not an idealized
reference to a heavenly being or some distant or mythological religious
figure.
Zen
Master Seung Sahn, who is the most famous Korean Zen Master in the
West, in Dropping Ashes on the Buddha, one of his better selling
books, related the following exchange of letters that indicates
his view of the Zen Master. In a letter to the Master, someone asked,
"If a Zen Master is capable of doing miracles, why doesn't he do
them?... Why doesn't Soen Sunim do as Jesus did- make the blind
see, or touch a crazy person and make him sane? Wouldn't even such
a showy miracle as walking on water make people believe in Zen so
that they would begin to practice..." The Master (that is, Seung
Sahn) replied, "Many people want miracles, and if they witness miracles
they become attached to them. But miracles are only a technique.
They are not the true way. If a Zen Master used miracles often,
people would become very attached to this technique of his, and
they wouldn't learn the true way..." [4]
Soen Shaku, the famous Rinzai Master who was D. T. Suzuki's teacher, commenting
on Zen satori[5] states,
"To say the Buddha had a satori experience sounds as if we are talking
about a Zen monk, but I think it is permissible to say that a monk's
attaining satori corresponds to the Buddha's awakening effortlessly."[6] Here we see that Zen satori is equated
with the historical Buddha's great enlightenment, the very zenith
of Buddhist attainment. Since the Master/roshi represents the Zen
institution, it does not require too big a leap of imagination to
make the correspondence between the present day Zen institution
and the historical Buddha by laying the groundwork for the lineage
convention.
The well known Chinese Ch'an teacher, Master Sheng-yen also said of the
Zen Master, "it should be remembered that the mind of the master
is ever pure... and even if the master tells lies, steals, and chases
women..., he is still to be considered a true master as long as
he scolds his disciples for their transgressions."[7]
The reader is informed that no matter what the Zen Master does, it is beyond
both the reader's and the student's ken, because the Master's mind
is ever pure, a mysterious state beyond the ordinary person's comprehension.
The student is informed that the Master's authority must be taken
totally on faith in the infallibility and omniscience that is implicit
in his title. The student is incapable of making any judgments relating
to the Master's activities. Zen's self-definition as a tradition
beyond words and letters would lead one to believe that words and
thinking are not important. Yet here we see, in terms of institutional
authority and hierarchy, it is precisely words and title that are
of primary importance.
Aside
from Master Sheng-yen's implicit claim that the Master is beyond
conventional morality, the above manner of describing the qualities
of a Master/roshi does not make any explicit ethical or moral claims.
This does not mean that such claims are absent from Ch'an/ Zen.
The basis of Zen practice is often encapsulated in the six paaramitaas,
the second paaramitaa (`siila) being variously translated as morality
or discipline. Another avenue where morality enters Zen practice
is through the ten precepts, sometimes translated as the "Ten Grave
Precepts." Robert Aitken-roshi underlines his understanding of the
importance of the precepts by stating, "Without the precepts as
guidelines, Zen Buddhism tends to become a hobby, made to fit the
needs of the ego."[8]
Aitken-roshi is not alone in this belief, as it is commonly maintained
in Zen and Buddhism in general, that the precepts are the foundation
on which the meditation practice is based. Though there is a separation
between how Zen practice works and the moral and ethical consequences
of that practice, however since the Master/roshi represents the
fullness of the practice, when authority and hierarchy in Ch'an/Zen
are examined, the two are tied tightly together.
In the four quotes of the modern day teachers cited above, one is given
a rather exalted and idealized picture of what it means to be a
Master or roshi. It is interesting to see how two of these teachers
have manifested their words and how their students have responded.
Though no mention is made of moral or ethical issues in any of the
above statements, it does seem as if the students do have moral
expectations, as we shall see below.
About
two years after writing the above description of a roshi, Richard
Baker was made roshi shortly before his teacher Suzuki-roshi, died
at the end of 1971. Ten years later, Baker-roshi was involved in
a scandal that revealed his repeated instances of sexual misconduct
on his part, as well as his living in high style while paying the
many members working at Center's enterprises something close to
subsistence wages. This affair was extremely divisive for the San
Francisco Zen Center [9], and resulted in Baker-roshi leaving the Center after long,
heated negotiations over the amount of his severance pay and the
ownership rights to the art collection and library purchased during
his tenure as its roshi and abbott.
Some years later, Seung Sahn too was caught up in sexual scandals, having,
over a period of years, simultaneous affairs with a number of his
students directing his satellite Centers spread across the country.
Seung Sahn's explanation was that the women needed his power to
keep the Centers running. This affair was very divisive to his followers
causing many people to leave.
As
research for this paper, I did a mail survey of one hundred fifty
Zen Centers and individual Zen practitioners across the country.
The questionnaire consisted of a cover letter and a second page
with a list of eight terms.[10]
The purpose of the survey was to see how people from different Zen
Centers understood a number of key terms, that define or color what
Zen means in America. I received thirty-eight replies. Six were
from people whom I knew were either in charge of large Centers or
had Dharma transmission from their teachers. The results of the
survey were inconclusive, though it yielded valuable anecdotal material
such as the chronicles below of the retreat led by Carol and the
meeting of a North American Zen Center. The term Dharma transmission
elicited the closest agreement among respondents, most everyone
stated explicitly or seemed to imply that the Zen lineage went back
to the historical figure Sakyamuni. Most respondents expressed little
awareness of the varied ways in which the terms Zen Master/roshi,
Dharma transmission, and Zen lineage have been used during Zen's
long history.
Words have power. It is through words that we understand the world around
us, give the world meaning, and to a certain degree, determine what
we actually see. Presenting Zen in an idealized way has consequences.
I would like to relate two stories to underline the strength of
the authority attributed to those in teaching roles in Zen, at least
in America. One respondent to my survey, in addition to answering
my questions, related the following story. In North America, in
1998, a retreat was held under the direction of a Zen teacher we
will call Carol, with eight full-time and a number of part-time
students participating.[11]
The retreat started normally, however on the second day, Carol added her
name to the list of dead on whose behalf the chanting on retreats
is dedicated. On the third day private interviews as part of the
koan study, were cancelled. In the evening Carol took the group
to the movies, an unheard of activity during a seven-day retreat.
On the fourth day Carol was absent most of the time; she had pizza
and champagne served for the evening meal, which normally would
consist of rather plain vegetarian, non-alcoholic fare. On the fifth
day she announced that everyone would be moving to Miami and should
begin studying Spanish. She also followed this announcement with
a semi-coherent discourse about inner circles and outer circles.
In the afternoon she showed the video of Steven Spielberg's film
"ET." Subsequently she announced the group was going to have a funeral
for her to celebrate the death of her ego. She would leave the room
and the group was to plan the funeral and then tell her when they
were ready. In the group were two women who had studied with Carol
for over fifteen years. My correspondent related to me that after
Carol left the room, he asked these women if perhaps Carol was having
some sort of mental breakdown and suggested maybe the show should
stop. Another student raised a question about psychodrama. The two
senior students assured them that all was well. My correspondent
recalls saying to himself, "What the hell, the show must go on"
and remained on the retreat despite his skepticism about Carol's
mental condition.
The
group devised a funeral ceremony, Carol came out and the group performed
it. Carol then claimed that since she was now dead she didn't know
what her name was, but for the time being she should be called "Zen
Ma." The fellow relating the story said that at this point he wondered
if Jonestown wasn't next, but instead of cyanide laced Kool-Aid,
the group then had more champagne. After dinner, Carol lapsed into
a long ramble about meeting Swami Muktananda. Soon she stopped,
announcing that she was feeling negative energy, and asked, "Does
anyone in the room have negative energy?" My correspondent confessed
that he did indeed, but did not want to discuss it. Carol commanded,
"Just say it," to which the fellow replied that he had an interest
in being someone's student but not someone's follower. She responded
by undertaking a talk about Tibet and Milarepa, five minutes into
which she stopped, and looking at the fellow said," So why don't
you get the hell out of here?" Which, at that point, is exactly
what he did.
About
two weeks after the retreat Carol decided that the two women who
were her long-time students and who had assured my correspondent
of the teacher's sanity, were witches, ordering them to leave as
well. Carol then gave away her belongings and moved to Florida.
It
is interesting to note that despite Carol's bizarre behavior and
disjointed speech, not one person on the retreat left on their own
initiative or raised a question to the teacher directly. The two
senior students maintained that nothing was wrong when a question
was raised privately about the teacher's mental state. After two
months, Carol returned from Florida and all the people who had been
on the retreat, returned to study with her, except for the fellow
who related this story to me. Again, I have related this story,
as an illustration, albeit an extreme one, of the sort of unquestioning
respect and obedience given to the Zen teacher by Western students.
It also underlines the fact that the imputed attainment of the teacher
repeated in one Zen context or another, will more often than not
out weigh or transform what is happening in front of the student's
eyes. It should be noted, that Carol was not an officially sanctioned
Master or roshi, but was functioning in that role without the actual
title.
The
second story I would like to relate took place in 1999. A meeting
was held by a North American Zen Center concerning the problematic
behavior of a related Center's Zen Master, more specifically a pattern
of excessive drinking, perhaps actual alcoholism, and instances
of "sexual misconduct." I was told by one attendee that many of
the group members were thoroughly baffled by the fact that one who
has supposedly attained full enlightenment, the Zen Master, could
manifest such unpleasantly unenlightened conduct. My informant wondered
where these students had gotten this idea about the Master's "full
enlightenment" along with its attendant immunity from human shortcomings.
The Master himself had never made any such claims to "full enlightenment"
or immunity to human shortcomings...
To summarize,
in the definitions and descriptions of the Master or roshi quoted
at the beginning of this paper, there is an extraordinary claim
to authority. These descriptions were given by individuals who are
themselves Masters/roshis, the very official spokespersons for Zen
institutions. But from the examples given above, it appears that
there is some disparity between the student's credulous expectations
resulting from this idealized view and what takes place in the real
world. It is fair to ask, what are the bases for such claims to
authority and how valid are these claims? That these idealizations
may have caused problems in the Far East is not the concern of this
paper. However, it is my contention that an idealized Asian version
of Zen has been uncritically accepted in America and that it is
a source of problems here.
Around
Zen Centers in America, there has been very little if any discussion
pertaining to the meaning of terms and titles that define Zen or
to how these terms and titles have actually been used in the East
during Zen's long history. Perhaps one of the reasons behind this
limited opportunity for discussion is that, lacking any sort of
theoretical framework or critical focus, members of the Zen community
have recourse only to the context provided by their personal experiences.
This personal context to a large extent is the world of Zen, its
language, ideas, and ways of thinking. If the student attempts to
look critically at Zen institutions, he/she can do so only within
the context and language of Zen, which for reasons discussed later
in this paper, idealizes itself, its roles, and important defining
terms. Even in this situation of critically examining Zen institutions,
the student often ends up empowering the very authority figures
in question, just as we shall see in this paper, the language of
Zen was intended to do.
The
confusion created by assumptions about enlightenment and spiritual
authority is not confined to the above-mentioned North American
Center, or even to the U.S. I have received correspondence from
France, Germany, U.K., Australia, and New Zealand in response to
a paper[12] I wrote that
has been posted on the Internet, dealing with the disparity between
the ways in which the institutions of Zen Buddhism actually operate
in the world and our expectation of them based on an idealized view
that has been uncritically accepted. A person from France who contacted
me and asked to translate my paper into French, specifically stated
that his reason for doing so was because a French Buddhist nun had
told him that a Zen Master is a fully enlightened person. These
responses indicate that dogma of this sort is pervasive throughout
Western Zen, and that Zen organizations fail to provide a context
in which such assumptions can be critically addressed.
As an antidote to this situation, I believe it is necessary to view the
Zen world, its hierarchy, and authority figures through a theoretical
framework separate from Zen. I think one such a framework is provided
by the work of the American sociologist Peter L. Berger. Parts of
this paper will be informed by Berger's view of the social construction
of reality and its inherent dialectical character. While Berger's
views may seem like truisms now, thirty years after the publication
of The Sacred Canopy[13], I believe they
provide a much-needed critical insight into the social and symbolic
structures of the Zen tradition. The adoption of Asian, predominantly
Japanese conventions by Western aspirants over the past fifty years
has been, ironically for a school that supposedly emphasizes personal
inquiry, uncritical to say the least.
In this paper we are primarily concerned with the individual practitioner's
view of Zen roles and institutions in America. The view most frequently
accepted is that propagated by the Zen institutions themselves.
More specifically, we will examine authority and hierarchy, how
it is established, how it is maintained, and how it is produced
and reproduced. In the case of the earlier mentioned North American
Zen Group who met to address problems resulting from the Master's
excessive drinking and "sexual misconduct" we can see an illustration
of the functional outcome of the process I wish to discuss. Recall
that the person who recounted this meeting was surprised that so
many students believed that the Master's enlightenment to be so
"full" or "complete" that he/she would be incapable of quite human
frailties, despite the fact the Master himself had never made such
claims. However, it is not necessary for any particular Master to
make claims concerning his/her own enlightenment or his/her own
level of perfection because Zen institutional traditions, in one
form or another repeat this claim for the person sitting in the
role of Zen Master. In so far as the particular Zen follower is
adequately socialized into the given group, he cannot but see the
Master as expressing the Mind of the Buddha. Indeed, the Master
often believes the same thing. Through its structure, its ritual
practices, and perhaps most significantly through its use of a special
set of terms and definitions, the institution reinforces this claim
for the Zen Master.
The
term Zen Master is especially glorified, and together with the two
related concepts of Dharma transmission and Zen lineage forms a
conceptual triad that supports the structure of authority within
the Zen institutions. The terms of the triad support and reflect
each other and their mutually dependent connection is presented
in an idealized fashion to establish the imputed power, sacredness,
and otherness of the Master. Along with the above triad, the use
of koans, mondo, and ritual behavior act as supporting elements
in establishing this authority.Variations of this paradigmatic idealization
have been repeated by most exponents of Zen in the West, from D.
T. Suzuki on. The four examples that opened this paper are demonstrations
of this idealized view. It is also repeated in the many stories
falsely presented as history in the form of mondo or as koans along
with their accompanying commentaries. I think a remark Noam Chomsky
made with reference to political indoctrination is applicable to
this case. That is to say, the essence of propaganda is repetition.
For
someone who has not spent much time around American Zen Centers,
it is hard to believe how strong is the belief, among the students,
in the authority of the teacher. Clearly, one does not begin Zen
practice with this belief; it is acquired over time as part of a
complex, collective process. Human beings, necessarily through a
dialectical (that is, dialogue both internal with oneself and external
with others) and collective enterprise create society and then society,
as objectified reality is reflected back and contributes to the
creation of the human individual.[14] Considering
the Zen world as a micro society, the collective world building
of Zen takes place through the mechanisms of group and ritual practice.
In addition all the information communicated, both verbally and
non-verbally between people, acquired through the talks of the teacher
and the senior students, and assimilated through the extensive collected
writings and commentaries of the Zen tradition, fill out and define
the Zen world. Through this complex of mechanisms, a powerful belief
system is imparted to the American Zen student.
Berger states, "that society is the product of man and that man is the
product of society, are not contradictory. They reflect the inherently
dialectical character of the societal phenomenon." [15] He also
points out that, " man not only produces a world, but he also produces
himself ... This world, of course, is culture...Culture must be
continually produced and reproduced by man...Man also produces language
and, on its foundation and by means of it, a towering edifice of
symbols that permeate every aspect of his life." Hence we see that,
"Society is constituted and maintained by acting human beings" from
which follows, "the world-building activity of man is always and
inevitably a collective enterprise... the humanly produced world
attains the character of objective reality."[16]
Each individual is confronted by an overwhelming input of experience. In
order to avoid a feeling of chaos, it is necessary to organize and
make sense of this plethora of data, that is, literally to make
the world. This process of world building carries with it a new
vocabulary with new mental constructions and meanings. Let us now
consider carefully each member of the triad of terms along with
koans and ritual behavior.
Anyone
who visits a Zen Center is usually struck by the formal and ritualized
atmosphere of the temple or zendo, an atmosphere that creates a
sense of the sacred. Before entering we remove our shoes, finding
a certain quiet, the smell of incense, the altar with Buddha statues
surrounded by offerings of flowers and fruit and a priest, monk,
or nun in formal robes whom others show respect with bows or even
prostrations. One quickly learns that there exists a hierarchy as
clearly defined and rigid as anything in Western religious institutions.
If one becomes involved with the life of the group, one learns that
there are set ways to behave in the temple, in the meditation hall,
in sharing common meals, greeting other members, monks or nuns,
and when meeting the teacher, Master, or roshi. One also learns
a whole new language comprised of a new set of terms and definitions.
The adoption and continued use of this language will form the person's
view of the world and his/her place in it - - both in relation to
the larger world and to his/ her place within the Zen world. The
views espoused within the Zen community will, to one degree or another
reshape and color the person's way of thinking about and views of
the world. A person who becomes actively involved with a Zen group
not only identifies themselves with Zen ideas and meanings, but
also sees himself/herself as expressing these ideas through speech,
attitude, and activity and as a representative of Zen itself. Interestingly,
many people then attribute their new worldview to the fruit of "practice."
What appears as spiritual fruit may in actuality be the adjustment
to being schooled and indoctrinated into a prefabricated world-view.
Master/roshi
In the
Zen world, the Master is at the head of the hierarchy and is legitimated
through the act of Dharma transmission. The Master stands in for
or represents the absolute reality represented by the Buddha. This
identification of the person of the Master with absolute reality
serves as a sacred and universal reference and is the means by which
their authority and by extension, the authority of the institution
is legitimated. The human Master is clearly flesh and blood, however
he/she is also supposedly beyond human given the belief that his/her
"mind is ever pure" and his/her activities come from the absolute.
Historically
in Japan, "roshi" has indeed sometimes been understood to indicate
rank based on spiritual development, while at other times it has
been used as a term of address connoting no more than simple respect.
There are occasions in Japanese (especially Soto) usage when it
merely denotes an administrative rank. In a manner somewhat analogous
to the historical bestowal of "Dharma transmission" for a number
of different expedient reasons, the term "roshi" or its various
analogs, appears to have meant different things in different circumstances
and at different times. There is not, and never has been a central
authority in China or Japan or anywhere else that certifies anyone's
official passage into roshihood based on any sort of formal criteria,
certainly not on the basis of spiritual attainment. Perhaps Soko
Morinaga-roshi, the former President of [Rinzai] Hanazono College,
said it most aptly, "A roshi is anyone who calls himself by the
term and can get other people to do the same."[17]
An interesting example can be seen in the case of the American Zen teacher
Philip Kapleau. Mr. Kapleau uses the title "roshi," and his students,
along with most others involved in American Zen, address him as
such. Mr. Kapleau has been extremely influential, both through his
personal teaching and his writing of books and articles, in spreading
Zen in America and abroad. He merits respect if for no other reason
than the fact that he has taught for many years, while remaining
untainted by financial or sexual scandals. This is an accomplishment
that a number of others with officially sanctioned Dharma transmission
and titles cannot claim. However Mr. Kapleau himself has explicitly
stated that he is not a Dharma heir of his teacher, Yasutani-roshi,
and did not receive the title roshi from Yasutani or from anyone
else. [18]
Essentially, he took the title himself. This is not to say he is
any more or less qualified than anyone else, only that he has never
received formal recognition from an elder teacher in one of the
"officially" recognized lines of Zen. Interestingly, Mr. Kapleau
has "transmitted" to some of his disciples, establishing a line
basically beginning with himself, and thereby different from all
other Zen lines, in that these, at least rhetorically, maintain
the myth of an unbroken lineage dating back to Shakyamuni. It is
also true that virtually no scholars, either Eastern or Western,
take seriously the idea of an unbroken Zen lineage going back to
Sakyamuni Buddha.
Perhaps surprising to Americans, who commonly assume the Japanese model
to be the most authentic, or even the only authentic form, is that
there exists other, older, and no less authentic models of Zen monasticism,
such as that of Korean Zen (Son). Robert Buswell, in his study of
Zen monastic life in modern day Korea, describes an organizational
structure that is refreshingly different from the Japanese-inspired
centers familiar to most Western Zen students. In Korean Zen, the
equivalent of roshi/Zen master, the pangjang, occupies an elected
position that is held for an initial ten-year term. If the Master
does not perform adequately, a petition by fifty monks would be
enough to have a recall vote. A monk's affinities are more with
his fellow meditation monks than with a specific master."[19] That
the monk's allegiances are more to his fellow meditators than towards
a particular master is an orientation towards group practice that
we in America may want to explore further. This type of structure
would remove much of the dependence on the teacher and the resulting
idealization and hierarchy that are encountered in Japanese-style
centers. The contemporary and prominent Masataka Toga-roshi has
stated, "In Japanese Zen, loyalty is most important. Loyalty to
one's teacher and to the tradition is more important than the Buddha
and the Dharma."[20] This attitude may be well suited to Japanese culture, a
culture very different from our own. However, it may be time for
American practitioners to begin to explore structures of practice
not modeled exclusively on the Japanese form, but on ways that are
more compatible with our own culture of democratic and egalitarian
ideals. They might places less emphasis on absolute loyalty to a
superior or to an institution and more emphasis on equality and
minimizing hierarchical structures.
In a
sense, Zen has inverted its self-definition of "a separate transmission
outside of words and letters." We should keep in mind that according
to the Zen view truth cannot be expressed in words but rather only
alluded to in spontaneous and natural activities of daily life.[21] However, Zen
gives great prestige and authority to a ceremonially invested institutional
role, whether Master, roshi, or Shi-fu, rather than basing authority
on the actual lived, observable activity of the individual. At least
in theory, this latter criterion is the only legitimate means in
the East of discerning the mark of the sage. It is based on the
concept of t'i-yung, usually translated as essence-function, which
is prominent in all East Asian philosophical systems.[22] According to this view, it is the transformation of the
personality reflected in a person's ability to act spontaneously
(directly) and without hindrance in response to phenomenal situations,
that marks the sage or enlightened one. The Master/roshi is said
to be realized, that is to make the ideal of enlightened activity
"real in his everyday experience."[23]
Zen
has put the cart before the horse. Zen institutions define any teacher
having the title Master or roshi as a sage or enlightened being.
This imputation of character is independent of the teacher manifesting
any qualities that could be seen as marks of realization or enlightenment.
Regardless of whether or not the individual can manifest any evidence
of such an exalted level of spiritual attainment, this status is
conferred upon the teacher with the institutional title. By virtue
of the investiture of an institutional position the individual automatically
acquires a whole array of impressive qualities. He is extraordinary,
or else utterly ordinary. He also gains the ability to act and speak
from the perspective of the Absolute, to perform miracles, to always
maintain a pure mind, and ultimately becomes the repository, if
not the living manifestation of the perfectly realized mind of Shakyamuni
Buddha. The students are not empowered to have confidence in their
own abilities of empirical observation and intuition to assess the
actual moment-to-moment everyday conduct of a teacher.
Though
Zen institutions persist in defining themselves as a tradition,
"not depending on words or letters," there is an unstated imperative
to do precisely that. It is expected and repeatedly taught that
the students should defer to and exalt the term "Master" or "roshi,"
a title and the ceremonial position it stands for, rather than relying
on their own good sense and intuition in matters relating to the
teacher's authority. There is a deception operating here. On the
one hand Zen rhetoric tells its followers to be in the moment, to
see what is in front of their eyes- "look look" Lin-chi exclaims.[24] Yet, on the
other hand, Zen rhetoric implies to its followers that they are
incapable of seeing what is going on in front of them, when seeing
is directed towards the Master/roshi. The nature of enlightened
activity must be taken by virtue of a title, on faith. What the
Master does, is by definition, enlightened activity.
Clearly, this is a situation that is disempowering to Zen students who
accept or internalize this construction of reality. It places the
Master in a position somehow over and above the human, since all
the Masters activities are enlightened, coming from the Absolute.
Hence, viewing the Master is tantamount to viewing Buddhahood in
the flesh. Not surprisingly, the North American Zen group mentioned
earlier, being well socialized into Zen's rhetoric, expressed astonishment
that a Zen Master was capable of displaying human foibles. The Master
transcending being human, becomes an icon, an idealized representation
of a greater truth beyond comprehension and judgment. For example,
one bright undergraduate philosophy major, after some reading about
Zen and upon seeing a Chinese Master walk across a room for the
first time, gave expression to this icon-like view by stating, "it
was intense man, it was intense."
Dharma transmission
Dharma
transmission, according to convention, is the formal recognition
on the part of the Master that the student has attained an understanding
equal to that of the teacher. A person with Dharma transmission
in the Rinzai line who teaches in a large city in New York State
provided the following definition of Dharma transmission to my questionnaire,
"Formal acknowledgement by a teacher that a student is officially
his/her Dharma heir--that the wordless understanding passed from
Sakyamuni Buddha to Mahakashyapa and on and on has now come to this
one time, one place. Written and recorded in the lineage." The view
adhered to by this teacher is a widely held one regarding the transmission
of "authentic" Zen teaching. This acknowledgement by a teacher that
a student is a Dharma heir is supposedly identical with the fully
realized mind of the Buddha. It is the continuity of this chain
of enlightened minds in an unbroken lineage, supposedly unique to
Zen, going back to the historical but also highly mythologized figure
of Sakyamuni Buddha (and beyond according to another respondent)
that forms the conceptual basis for the present teacher's considerable
authority. According to the traditional Zen viewpoint, Dharma transmission
justifies giving the teacher the authority that one would accord
to the Buddha himself. Dharma transmission has been employed in
this manner since the Tang dynasty (CE 618-907).[25] It is this use of a spiritual lineage as the basis
for authenticity ("a special teaching outside the scriptures") [26]
rather than dependence on the authority of a particular scripture,
or in conjunction with the scriptures, that distinguishes the Ch'an
school from other Chinese sects of the period. This view implies
that Dharma transmission is given solely on the basis of the spiritual
attainment of the student and further that Dharma transmission is
received from one's living teacher, rather than in a dream or in
some other fashion.[27]
On investigation,
the term "Dharma transmission" turns out to be a much more flexible
and ambiguous term than we in the West suppose. To be sure, it is
in theory given in recognition of the student having attained as
deep a realization of mind as the teacher himself (assuming the
teacher has a deep realization). This view, for contemporary Western
Zen followers is the understanding of the term "mind-to-mind transmission."
Mind-to-mind transmission logically implies the enlightenment of
the disciple, for if the teacher is enlightened, and what is being
transmitted is the teacher's enlightened mind, then the student
must be also enlightened. However, Dharma transmission has over
the course of Ch'an/Zen's long history been given for other reasons.
It can be awarded for any one of a number of reasons, presumed to
be legitimate at a particular time or in certain conditions. According
to some scholars, Dharma transmission has actually been used as
a means for bestowing membership in a teaching lineage. It has been
used to establish political contacts vital to the well-being of
the monastery, to maintain the continuity of the lineage though
the recipient has not opened his/her Dharma eye, to cement a personal
connection with a student, to enhance the authority of missionaries
spreading the Dharma in foreign countries,[28] or to provide salvation (posthumously, in medieval
Japan) by allowing the deceased recipient to join the "blood line"
of the Buddha. In the later Sung Dynasty (CE 960-1280), Dharma transmission
was routinely given to senior monastic officers, presumably so that
their way to an abbacy would not be blocked.[29] Clearly, enlightenment
was not always regarded as the essential criteria for Dharma transmission.
Manzan Dohaku (CE1636-1714), a Soto reformer, propagated the view
that Dharma transmission was dependent on personal initiation between
a Master and disciple rather than on the disciple's enlightenment.
He maintained this view in the face of strong opposition, citing
as authority the towering figure of Japanese Zen, Dogen (CE 1200-1253).[30] This became
and continues to this day to be the official Soto Zen view.
For
a contemporary example of the functional role of Dharma transmission
within the Zen institution, as well as a lesson in institutional
history, let us look at the present-day Soto sect in Japan. This
sect strives to match the institutional structures of Dogen's time
when every Soto temple had to have an abbot and every abbot had
to have Dharma transmission. In 1984 there were 14,718 Soto Zen
temples in Japan and 15,528 Soto priests. Since every abbot has
to be a priest, it follows that almost every Soto priest (95%) has
Dharma transmission. It should be noted that a majority of these
priests would spend less than three years in a monastery. Many will
have as little as one year or even six months of training. Significantly,
while there is much written in Soto texts on the ritual of Dharma
transmission, there is almost nothing on the qualifications for
it.[31]
The vast majority of today's Japanese Soto Zen priests are themselves the
sons, typically the eldest sons, of temple priests who take over
their father's temple more or less as a 'family business.' In the
event there are only daughters in the family, an 'arranged marriage'
will be made between one of the daughters and a young priest who
has no other prospect for acquiring his own temple. The main purpose
of all of these arrangements is to ensure that the retired abbot
and his wife will have a place to live after their retirement. Dharma
transmission is now little more than a formality.[32]
For an example of transmission between the living and the dead from modern
times, Yasutani-roshi, one of the most influential Zen teachers
in the West,felt that he had a personal spiritual bond with Dogen,
and considered himself Dogen's direct Dharma heir by virtue of his
possession of the "true Dharma eye." He could thus establish his
own authority without reference to the Soto or Rinzai patriarchal
lines.[33]
The meaning and value of Dharma transmission and Zen lineage is not a strictly
modern day concern. At the end of the Ming dynasty (CE 1368-1644)
in China these issues were prominent topics among the leading Ch'an
Masters, who expressed a broad range of views. Some Masters believed
in giving Dharma transmission to a disciple whose eye was not open,
but who was capable of running the monastery. This was referred
to as "the seal of the winter melon," i.e. not comparable to a stone
seal. Fa-tsang (1573-1635), a famous Lin-chi Master believed that
Dharma was something to be understood and concerned the affirmation
of the mind. This Master believed it is possible to be a successor
of a Master long dead, whom one has never met, as long as the understanding
between living and dead Master matched. He did not think it necessary
to have a lineage certificate to be considered a Ch'an Master. His
Dharma brother, Tung-rung (1592-1660), thought just the opposite,
that it was necessary to meet your living Master and to have a lineage
certificate.
Similarly
in the Tsao-tung sect there was a range of views. One fairly common
view was that enlightenment is in one's mind, there is no reason
to seek affirmation from another if you are free from doubts. One
master of this sect, Wui-yi Yuan-lai (1575-1630), believed that
the essence of the Ch'an sect was that there had to be a matching
of minds, not the formal transmission of the sect. He believed all
the Ch'an sect's lineages had been broken, their lines terminated,
but that all five of the original Ch'an sects could still be thought
as present so long as some practitioner has the right understanding
matching exactly the earlier understanding of that sect. This Master
was also against giving Dharma transmission to maintain the institutional
lineage. He described this as, "adding water to dilute the milk."
Hence, to this Master, it was preferable to have a person with real
insight with no Dharma transmission than to have a person with a
certificate not based on insight. With a person with real insight
but no Dharma transmission, only the sect stops, the path remains
true and no harm is done to the Dharma. With Dharma transmission
not based on realizing the mind, the school continues but reality
is false, deceiving one's mind, deceiving the Buddha, deceiving
the world. In this case, you will have the blind leading the blind,
all will jump into the great fire. It was mentioned that both the
Lin-chi and Tsao-tung lineages were broken.[34] Notably, of
the four great Masters[35] of the late
Ming era, none belonged to either the Lin-chi or the Tsao-tung sect
and three of the four did not have formal lineage certificates.
Not
surprisingly, given the implications of the convention of Dharma
transmission, rather idealized views of the person receiving it,
and of the role itself, prevail among contemporary American Zen
students. Most students will understand the term Dharma transmission
as a sort of USDA seal of approval guaranteeing that the Master/roshi
is fully enlightened, and that his or her every gesture therefore
manifests the Absolute. This attitude is well illustrated by one
of the responses to my questionnaire: "a Zen Master is a person
who has been certifiedas existing in fully awakened mind..."
Zen Lineage
The
third element of the conceptual triad of terms supporting institutional
authority is "Zen lineage." In Master Sheng-yen's introduction to
a recent book, Subtle Wisdom, he states that his purpose
is to describe the background and development of Ch'an for both
new readers and for those with little or erroneous information.
He then informs us that," Since the time of the Buddha, masters
have given 'transmission' of their wisdom to their disciples when
they demonstrated experience and understanding of the Dharma, the
teachings of the Buddha. As a result of this form of recognition,
lineages have developed..."[36] Clearly implied in this is the idea that the Ch'an lineage
goes back to the Buddha. Though he doesn't say that it is an unbroken
lineage, it is implied in the writing, as the Ch'an tradition is
still thriving and it is passed along from Master to disciple. What
is carefully omitted by the author who knows well otherwise, is
that there is no such thing as an unbroken Ch'an lineage going back
to the Buddha and that the lineage that is upheld is not based on
deep spiritual attainment.
The
notion that Ch'an/Zen is an unbroken lineage going back to the Buddha
is repeated in one Zen context after another. The above mentioning
of the Zen transmission/ lineage myth by Master Sheng-yen is only
a recent repetition of the myth that the Zen sect has propagated
and repeated since the sects beginning in China during the Tang
dynasty. In the responses to my questionnaire, it was repeated by
at least three respondents who I know are "transmitted" teachers
of American Zen groups.
The
lineage paradigm, along with the idea of various "patriarchs" standing
out among a line's ancestors did not occur by chance. It is well
known the Chinese culture places great importance on ancestor worship
and patriarchal genealogy. Essentially, Ch'an replaced the birth
family line central to the social structure of traditional Chinese
society with a "spiritual" family line descending from the Buddha,
i.e. Ch'an lineage. This is not to say that the lineage structure
of Ch'an is intrinsically Chinese or a creation exclusively of the
Chinese imagination. The Kashmiri Masters who established the foundation
of the meditation tradition in China brought "the nucleus of the
transmission theory whereby the true teachings of Buddhism are handed
down from Sakyamuni Buddha through a succession of patriarchs,"
into China.[37] This convention fit in well with the existing Confucian
order, helping to facilitate the acceptance of what was in fact
an alien religion. Alan Cole has written:
Since the opening of the Dun Huang caves at the beginning
of this century, we know that Chan lineage texts in the mid-and
late-Tang were quite at odds with one another in their varied claims
to own enlightenment--lineages harking back to Bodhidharma looked
quite different, depending on who was writing them. On the whole,
these lineage texts represent a new form of disputation which works
as follows, 'I am right and you are wrong because I stand in a singularly
perfect lineage of truth and you don't.' The structure of this polemic
ought to be provocative simply at face value. How did this happen
to Buddhism? Why did it get locked into a Confucian model of patrilineal
inheritance...?"[38]
As
we have seen above though, Ch'an/Zen attempts to legitimate itself
through the idea of an unquestionable lineage and transmission going
back to the mythologized Shakyamuni Buddha. This myth is a humanly
constructed form that is necessarily open to human interpretation.
By legitimation I mean socially objectified "knowledge" that serves
to explain the social order. Put differently, legitimations are
answers to any questions about the "why" of institutional arrangements.
All legitimation maintains socially defined reality. At times a
given legitimation may seem above question and the whole idea of
human construction and interpretation may be hidden or lost. But
at other times, for whatever historical reasons, the contingencies
of human situations break through this covering and show how based
in human interpretation and understanding the seeming absoluteness
of the construction really is. Berger writes: "All socially constructed
worlds are inherently precarious. Supported by human activity, they
are constantly threatened by the human facts of self-interest and
stupidity."[39]
Zen appears trapped by its own rhetoric into idealizing key terms such
as Master/roshi, Dharma transmission, and Zen lineage. It has divorced
its own claims to authenticity from the sutras or any other canonical
texts and based its legitimation on lineage. Inherent to this model
is the corollary idea of Dharma transmission from enlightened Master
to enlightened Master going all the way back to the Buddha. The
Buddha represents ontologically, the nature of the universe as well
as the epitome of human attainment. It is as necessary today to
maintain the myth of unbroken lineage based on mind-to-mind transmission,
as it was necessary for the Sung dynasty monks who created the myth
and fought to have it accepted as historical fact. Otherwise, there
is no way to maintain Ch'an's claim to represent the mind of the
Buddha. It then becomes important to stress the ancestral connections,
through mind-to-mind transmission, whether real or fabricated. The
level of praise and sanctity attained in the human realm by the
Ch'an patriarchs and succeeding teachers is a matter of concern
to the living members of the Ch'an lineage, i.e. the living Masters
and roshis. It is the prestige of the mythological lineage that
affords the living teachers their privileged position in the Buddhist
monastic tradition and the Buddhist world at large.[40]
Though the three terms Master/roshi, Dharma transmission, and Ch'an/Zen
lineage may be looked at separately, in terms of authority in Zen,
they are intertwined and almost function as a unit. This convention
of transmission within a lineage requires that that which is transmitted
be totally and authentically the mind of the Buddha. Importantly,
there can be no partial transmission. Hence one is a Master or one
is not a Master. There is no intermediate or equivocal state; no
one is recognized as being " kind of a Master" or " almost a Master."
If one is a Master, then one has perfectly realized the mind of
the Buddha, and thus functions from the perspective of the absolute,
a viewpoint beyond the understanding of the ordinary sentient being.
In this sense, the Master stands in for the sacred, the mysterious
living manifestation of true nature, Buddha Mind. Berger states
the more general case thus, "Religion legitimates so effectively
because it relates the precarious reality constructions of empirical
society with ultimate reality. The tenuous realities of the social
world are grounded in the sacred realissimum, that is, by locating
them within a sacred and cosmic frame of reference, which by definition
is beyond the contingencies of human meanings and human activity.
The historical constructions of human activity are viewed from a
vantage point that, in its own self-definition, transcends both
history and man."[41]
Hence, according to the rhetoric of Zen, every act of the Master is a manifestation
of the living truth of Zen, every activity is a teaching if only
the student can grasp it. Anything that seems wrong or problematic
or contradictory is due to the student's lack of insight into the
absolute, or the Buddha Mind, from which all the Master's insights
and actions arise. This model leads necessarily to an idealization
of the Master/roshi. As the embodiment of the Buddha's enlightened
Mind, the Master is totally beyond all our comprehension and hence
exempt from our understanding and all judgments. It is no wonder
that much of the behavior one sees around American Zen Centers might
appear cultish to the uninitiated.
Koans
One
of the distinctive features of Zen that has caught the attention
of Americans is the Zen koan. As we shall see below, the koan is
used in many ways and serves a number of functions. As many people
know, a koan is a story or more correctly an encounter dialogue
between a Master and a disciple or another person or persons. Koans
are used in a form of Zen meditation known as koan meditation (Ch.
k'an hua Ch'an, J. kanna Zen), or more popularly as koan study.
In Japan, koan study has, over the years become formalized within
each teaching line; each line has a selected course of koans to
"go through," accepted answers to go with the given cases, and a
standardized method of secretly guiding students through the curriculum
of koans and answers.[42] The contents
of a given course within a line are a guarded secret. These dialogues
are most often totally perplexing to the uninitiated. Koans are
not historical accounts of actual events although East Asian Buddhists,
as well as many, if not most practitioners today in the West believe
that they are. Rather they are literary re-creations of how the
enlightened masters of the past might have spoken and acted. The
popularity of the koan texts eventually informed the actual oral
practice.[43] That
is, they came to serve as models for the rhetorical and procedural
forms of public discourse within Zen institutions. If the idea of
the koan stories as literary inventions implies too much calculation
or artifice on the part of the compilers, another way to view them
might be as the folk tales of the Zen tradition. [44]
Though
Americans may think they are following some ancient, orthodox form
of Chinese, Korean, or Japanese Zen koan study, this hardly is the
case, for no such form exists. There is no single way of using the
koans; it is not known exactly how the koans were used in Sung and
later China. One Korean teacher popular in the United States has
constructed a koan course that seems to mirror the view that Americans
have come to expect, which is the method of the modern Rinzai school
of Japan, though that is not the form that is employed in Korea.
This truncated version of the Rinzai curriculum model would lead
the student to believe that there is little or no intellectual content
to koan study in contemporary Japan, however G. Victor Sogen Hori,
a Canadian scholar who spent roughly fifteen years in monasteries
in Japan doing koan study paints a very different picture. According
to him there was considerable time spent in writing talks on the
koans to be presented to and graded by the roshi. Much effort was
made to become familiar with the book of capping phrases[45]
so that this large collection of phrases was essentially memorized.
Finally, for those capable, writing matching poems in Chinese for
the various koans was required.[46]
Like
almost all other aspects of Zen, the koans and the enlightenment
that is hopefully to follow from their study, are presented to Americans
in an extremely idealized fashion. The qualities presented in the
idealized descriptions contained in koan anecdotes are quite naturally
transposed to the living Master or roshi, since the Zen rhetoric
presents the people in these positions as having completely mastered
the koans.
An example
of this idealized view is seen in the following quote of Yasutani-roshi
in his commentary on the Mu koan,
Once you burst into enlightenment
you will astound the heavens and shake the earth. As though having
captured the great sword of General Kuan [a great general invincible
in combat], you will be able to slay the Buddha should you meet
him [and he obstruct you] and dispatch all patriarchs you encounter
[should they hinder you]. Facing life and death, you are utterly
free; in the Six Realms of Existence and the Four Modes of Birth
you move about in a samadhi of innocent delight.[47]
One
could think from the description above, that the roshi only moves
about in the "samadhi of innocent delight." However, this is how
the same enlightened roshi manifested his wisdom when addressing
the social and political conditions of modern Japan. The quote that
follows are words written for a strictly Japanese audience by Yasutani,
shortly before his death in 1972. After calling Japan's labor movement
and unions traitors, he goes on to say, "The universities we presently
have must be smashed one and all. If that can't be done under the
present constitution, then it should be declared null and void just
as soon as possible, for it is an un-Japanese constitution ruining
the nation, a sham constitution born as the bastard child of the
allied occupation forces."[48] This type of view was a consistent feature of Yasutani's
discourses in the social and political arena, at the least covering
the last 40 years of his life.
Koans are used mainly in two ways. In the groups associated with
the Soto tradition of Japanese Zen, they are used in formal talks
either as the main theme of the lecture or as pedagogical devices
to bring out some point or to act as pointers. In the groups associated
with the Rinzai or Sanbokyodan traditions of Japanese Zen as well
as in some groups within the Chinese or Korean traditions, the koans
are also used in these ways, but also and most importantly, they
are used as the topic or subject of the student's meditation. Private
meetings with the teacher (J. sanzen or dokusan) are part of the
process when the koans are used in this last fashion.
In the
schools of Zen where the koan has preeminence as the focus of meditation
practice, the koan has the added function of empowering the teacher
and reinforcing the authority of an institutional hierarchy founded
in part on what is a largely literary invention. The teacher, having
ostensibly mastered the koan, is a living representative of the
enlightened mind to which the koan points. The teacher judges the
student's insight and decides whether the response is complete or
deep enough to attain confirmation or approval and to move to the
next case in the curriculum. In spite of popular rhetoric to the
contrary, though one may "move on" to the next case, this "moving
on" in no way means that the student has seen deeply into the present
case at all. There is a certain "moving along" that takes place,
which is not openly discussed or written about. That is, the student
is kept progressing through the course of koans though there may
be little insight or realization into many of the koans.
The
private meetings between teacher and student take place in a stylized
form: incense burns in the hushed atmosphere and privacy of the
interview room, the student bows on entering and leaving the room,
and prostrates to the floor before coming to sit in front of the
waiting seated teacher. The teacher controls the interview; the
teacher decides whether to encourage lightly or forcefully, to give
a pointer or to just dismiss, to scold or to encourage, to tell
a personal anecdote or to be cold, and terminates the interview
at will with the ring of a bell. Finally, the teacher decides when
the student should "move on" to another case or, more importantly,
when someone's insight is a genuine Zen experience or not.[49] It is
understood among practitioners, that this is the real Zen, where
the real training goes on in secret. The student is not to discuss
anything that goes on in sanzen with anyone else. In this atmosphere
and context it is easy to see how the student makes a connection
between the present day teacher and the great Masters of the past
whose words and gestures are examined in the koans.
As I have hopefully shown, the rhetoric of Zen institutions recognizes
the present day teacher awaiting the student in the hushed interview
room as the living descendant of our Chinese ancestors, the great
Masters of the koan. The discourse maintains that through mind-to-mind
transmission and unbroken Zen lineage, there exists a direct connection
between the living teacher and the Sixth Patriarch and Bodhidharma,
in fact, to the whole line of patriarchs and ultimately to the Buddha
himself. This notion of direct connection is stated in the Zen idiom
as " eyebrow to eyebrow," implying great intimacy, that is, hearing
with the same ears, seeing with the same eyes.[50] Thus,
through his participation in an exchange intimately linked through
form and symbol to the activities of enlightened Masters the student
reenacts the actual case of the koan, and in a sense enters a timeless
realm of sacred space. Throughout all of the private interview,
the Master/roshi introduces the case, directs the line of discussion
or enquiry, will introduce a special language and at times a physical
way of responding or may tell a private story. But always the teacher
is the final and sole arbiter of correct insight or understanding,
that is"of going through" or "of passing through " the koan. What
this " passing through" actually means varies widely from teacher
to teacher and from case to case. Even among towering figures of
the Zen tradition we find great disagreement as to what "attainment"
means. For instance, Dogen, the founder of Soto Zen in Japan criticized
Ta-hui (CE 1088-1163) a contemporary of Dogen's own teacher, and
perhaps the greatest exponent of koan Zen and a towering figure
of Ch'an in China, as having no insight, accusing him in essence
of being a fraud.
During a seven-day retreat the private meetings between the student and
the Master/roshi are repeated many times a day, at other times maybe
once or several times a week. But it is always done with the understanding
that this is the "real " teaching and that one is confronting the
essence of Zen. Not of little importance, it is here that someone
will advance in the given group, be recognized as a good or favored
student to be groomed for a teaching role and perhaps entry into
the Buddha family through the act of Dharma transmission. Berger
writes, "Religion legitimates so effectively because it relates
the precarious reality constructions of empirical society with ultimate
reality."[51] Here in the sanzen room, in private, among bows, bells,
and incense, through the medium of the koan, the student confronts
the Zen understanding of reality, the whole of the Zen tradition
or of our "Zen ancestors" as one group states it. The student confronts
the Buddha nature or Buddha Mind as manifest in the everyday world
in the role of the Master who sits silently waiting for the student
to come and present his/her own Buddha nature. This is done in an
environment where the Master/roshi is the manifestation of the absolute,
the stand-in for the Buddha. The Master invites, cajoles, encourages
the student to join in, to see, to take part in this sacralizing
of the everyday world through the koan and the manifest Buddha and
ancestors. The teacher sits in front of the student, confronting
the student, to whom the student fully prostrates and wholeheartedly
presents himself.
The orchestration of the encounter operates on at least two levels of idealization.
One is tacit and textual, in the use of literary wisdom stories,
whose inner esoteric meaning the teacher has supposedly mastered,
and that present an idealized paradigm of the Master/disciple relationship.
The other, more explicit and gestural, is enacted in the ritualized
exchange of bows, the care taken in the physical arrangement of
the room, the learning of a new language, a way of expressing ideas
not easily grasped by the uninitiated, and the training in responding
spontaneously and iconoclastically, that is, in actions almost formally
prescribed. The ultimate result of this idealization of the teacher
and the institution he/she represents is the legitimation of the
institutional hierarchy. Through these highly ritualized acts and,
to a certain extent, the ritualized responses to the koans themselves,
the authority of the Master/roshi is embodied and given significance.
The student participates in a ritual that embodies the living Master
as the equal of the Buddha and the line of patriarchs. At the same
time the student submits to his/her own position as an ordinary
human being, with desires for progress, attainment, and recognition.
Despite
the fact that all of the elements of the interview are monastic
conventions, reflecting the institutional structure more than some
inherent quality of enlightenment, the student may have the impression
that in fact he/she is participating in an event located in a timeless
and sacred space. This whole scenario is entirely constructed by
people, yet the student is made to believe that this is the only
way or is the way it has always been done since the beginning or
earliest times of Zen. As Berger describes it, the intent of the
ritual is to "let people forget that this order was established
by men and continues to be dependent on the consent of men. Let
them believe that, in acting out the institutional programs that
have been imposed upon them, they are but realizing the deepest
aspirations of their own being and putting themselves in harmony
with the fundamental order of the universe."[52]
The Alienation of the Master/roshi
At this
point, I would like to look at the person of the Master/roshi and
examine some of the effects on both the teacher and the student
of assuming a mostly idealized role for the teacher. I am going
to develop the thesis, following Berger's model, that the Master
is "alienated," using the word "alienated" in a precise technical
sense.[53] Berger
describes the embodiment of institutional principles as a two way
process, "The institutional order is real only insofar as it is
realized in performed roles and that, on the other hand, roles are
representative of an institutional order that defines their character
and from which they derive their objective sense."[54] Clearly,
all socially constructed worlds change because they are historical
products of human activity. Looking at the intricacies of the conceptual
make up by which any particular world is maintained, one may forget
that, "Reality is socially defined. But the definitions are always
embodied, that is, concrete individuals and groups of individuals
serve as definers of reality."[55] In Zen, the idealized role of Master/roshi is the embodiment
of all that Zen stands for. The Master, through words and gestures,
not only defines reality, but serves also to set the tone and coloring
of how Zen is to be manifest in life.
People
take part in the Zen institution's activities and accept its beliefs
mainly for two reasons: they are both looking for meaning in their
own lives and they are looking for a personal transformation that
will incorporate this meaning into their lives. It is necessary
for people to believe that personal transformation is possible.
The Zen Master/roshi is that living embodiment of personal transformation.
Zen promotes a transformation that is so complete that as the Zen
institutions define it, it is beyond human understanding and judgment,
which also implies great freedom and power; an ideal well worth
struggling for. However, the idealizations are too great to actually
fulfill the institutional needs for an embodied Master, with a real
human. Yet a flesh and blood person must fill the role. Often, a
person who is very far from the ideal they supposedly embody necessarily
fills the role. In fact, there are very few people who can approach
the standard set in the idealization of the Zen Master. The teacher
attempts to act the part and their students accept the authority
and specialness as they have been instructed through varied means.
But a large institution such as Zen requires many teachers, so that
most of its teachers do not fully embody the practice nor can they
be a living example of the transformation promised. In a heterogeneous
and highly individualistic society with few structural social controls
such as ours, the idealization of the Master appears to me to be
a prescription for problems.
Society,
through the processes of externalization, objectification, and internalization
is the product of collective human activity. Through these three
processes, society confronts the individual as an external, subjectively
opaque, and pre-emptive facticity. Externalization and objectification
imply the production of a real social world, external to the individuals
inhabiting it; internalization implies that the same social world
will have the status of reality within the consciousness of these
individuals. . This is an ongoing process as each individual necessarily
ventures into the world. Through these three processes the individual
participates and cooperates in the reality of social construction.
This same social world retains its character of objectivity as it
is internalized in consciousness. The fundamental persuasive power
of society is not in its means of social control, but in its power
to impose itself as reality.
There
are two points of importance here. First, that socialization is
always partial and that internalization sets one part of consciousness
against the rest of consciousness. Second, internalization entails
self-objectification: a part of the self becomes objectified, not
just to others, but to itself. A "social self" is created, which
is and remains in a state of uneasy accommodation with the non-social
self-consciousness upon which it has been imposed. For instance,
one's socialized self and place in society may be as a nine to five,
hard working, middle class family man, yet this same person may
see himself as a Don Juan. This could lead to all manner of problems
for this person with his wife and children. However, the role of
middle class family man becomes an objective "presence," carrying
a powerful sense of reality within the consciousness of the individual.
Since the socializing process is never perfect, man produces "otherness"
both outside and inside himself as a result of life in society.
The possibility then arises that not only does the social world
seem strange to the individual but that he becomes strange to himself
in certain aspects of his socialized self. One may have the objectively
socialized role of Zen Master, a role that carries an institutional
representation of extremely high ideals, while the non-socialized
self upon which the role has been imposed still hungers after fame,
the bodies of attractive young students, a larger group of followers,
a larger temple and more land, more money, or any number of other
objects of desire. In a situation such as this one part of consciousness
is left in an uneasy relation with another part.
It should
be noted that the division or split in one's consciousness that
sets a social self in an uneasy accommodation with the non-social
self consciousness is necessary, to one degree or another, as a
quality of being a social being. In other words, it is part of being
human. However, as Berger underlines below, one may proceed along
different paths,
There are, however,
two ways in which this estrangement may proceed - one, in which
the strangeness of world and self can be reappropriated by the "recollection"
that both the world and self are products of one's own activity-
the other, in which such reappropriation is no longer possible,
and in which social world and socialized self confront the individual
as inexorable facticities analogous to the facticities of nature.
This latter process may be called alienation. Put differently, alienation
is the process whereby the dialectical relationship between the
individual and his world is lost."[56]
Alienation is a false consciousness in that it is forgotten that
this social world was and continues to be co-produced by the individual
as an active participant in the collective enterprise of social
life.
It is
important to understand that alienation does not necessarily weaken
or disempower the alienated individual. In fact, the opposite may
be the case -- it may become a source of great power as it removes
the doubts and uncertainties that may cause problems and hesitancy
in a non-alienated person. For the alienated individual, "The social
world ceases to be an open arena in which the individual expands
his being in meaningful activity, becomes instead a closed aggregate
of reifications divorced from present or future activity."[57] Importantly, perceiving the social cultural world in alienated
terms serves to maintain its structures that give meaningful order
to experience, with particular efficacy, precisely because it immunizes
against the innumerable contingencies of the human enterprise of
world building. In the case we are examining here, namely that of
the Zen Master in America, we have seen a number of cases where
no matter how poorly the Master has performed, he/she seems able,
almost as if blinded to his/her own shortcomings, to continue to
act and maintain his/her position of Master. There is an apparent
strength, that allows the Master to maintain his/her position, almost
totally divorced from his/her activity, despite the rhetoric of
Zen that places so high a value on the normal activities of daily
life and that maintains that every act of the Master comes from
the Absolute. The alienation in these cases immunizes against the
innumerable contingencies and setbacks of everyday life.
In Zen, the institution is "embodied" or "realized" in the performed role
of the Master or roshi. A role that is almost necessarily idealized
(with rare exceptions) through the mechanisms of Dharma transmission,
Zen lineage, koans, mondo, and ritual. The students internalizing
the Zen rhetoric, expect the real teacher to be an ideal teacher,
so they look forward to having such an ideal teacher lead and instruct
them.[58]
These idealizations are repeated in one form or another throughout
the Ch'an tradition. In one of the earliest of Ch'an texts, the
Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch Hong-ren, the fifth Patriarch,
tells his successor Hui-neng, the sixth and last Patriarch, "If
you are able to awaken another's mind, he will be no different from
me." What is implied here is that each Master in the line of transmission
is equal to evfery other, and that the teaching each new Master
gives is identical to that given by all the masters of the past.
Essentially, at least as far as understanding is concerned, one
teacher is the same as all the others,[59] each one being
the same as the Buddha.
To rise
in Zen institutions, as in any institution, one must be well socialized
in its ways and not question the institutional order and its roles.
Since the role of Master is connected to the historical and semi-mythological
Buddha through the mechanisms of Dharma transmission and Zen lineage,
the Master's self identification in his/her role is further enhanced
and deepened as is her/his sense of ultimate rightness. It is my
contention that the idealizations associated with this position
lead the Master or roshi to have an alienated view of the world.
The person inhabiting the role of Master becomes, through the process
of internalization of the privileges and qualities embodied in her/his
role, something other than herself/himself. The role as defined
by the Zen institutions, as we have seen describes a person actualizing
perfect freedom, free of fixed repetitive patterns, not self centered,
filled with simplicity, buoyancy, humility, perspicacity, and compassion,
or according to another description capable of performing miracles
and still another description has the Master always maintaining
a pure mind. This is truly a stupendous person, very rare indeed.
However,
the internalization of the role is never complete, and some part
of the person remains that has all the normal shortcomings and the
concomitant doubts, desires and uncertainties that comprise all
fallible people. By saying that the Master/roshi becomes something
other than herself/himself, I mean that the role and its imputed
qualities are foreign to, or in conflict with her/his activities
and thoughts manifest in her/his daily life, to her/his non-socialized
self upon which the role Master has been placed. For the alienated
person, in this case the Zen Master, there is an "otherness" (the
role of Zen Master) produced within herself/himself that is formed
by the social world and is in addition, strange to herself/himself.
It is strange to herself/himself because the process of socialization
is never perfect. There remains an uneasy accommodation with the
non-socialized self-consciousness and its varied desires." Alienation
is an overextension of the process of objectivation, whereby the
human ("living") objectivity of the social world is transformed
into the non-human ("dead") objectivity of nature... In this loss
of the societal dialectic, activity itself comes to appear as something
other--namely, as process, destiny or fate,"[60] or in Buddhist terminology, as karma or causes-and-conditions.
In this case, the students too become reified to the Master. Though
not necessarily with sinister intent, the students become objects
to be used and insidiously manipulated for the Master's ends, whatever
they may be. It is insidious because the Master's actions and motives
as defined by the institutional role are "good," based in the absolute,
coming from a pure mind, serving to spread the Dharma, and in order
to help all sentient beings while in reality they are serving his/her
own human desires. Simultaneously, critical thinking and questioning
are explicitly denigrated with the worst of Zen epithets, "ego-centered
activity."
Once
this sort of alienated, near delusional world-view has been largely
accepted, the door has been opened to all manner of potential abuses
on the part of the person occupying the role of Master/roshi. A
split has occurred between the person in power and the role they
inhabit, between their personal responsibilities and their title.
The Master, who was originally looked to as a role model, a more
complete or developed human than the students, now appears to a
viewer who has seen through the process of idealization and its
resultant alienation, as a diminished person. The living person
is gone, replaced by a reified role player. The normal balancing
of different roles and positions, along with the accompanying internal
dialectic, that one must assume in the course of dynamic normal
life is now replaced mostly by one role, the role of Master. Unfortunately,
in Zen this is often masked behind a rhetoric of non-ego and emptiness
wherein the teacher's alienation only deepens. At this point, the
Zen Center comes to resemble theater, where all the participants
gladly play their roles, each for his/her own reasons. The students
mostly become reified to themselves as students. A few students
working their way up the hierarchy who aspire to become teachers,
may avoid for the time being the reification of their position as
student, which they view as is in transition.
A person
holding the view of the Master being alienated would predict, that
however the Master acts in the ordinary world, the Master would
still see himself as a Master and continue to act in that role.
The Master is acting in a role that is idealized and superimposed
onto a self that is ordinary with all regular human foibles. The
students, being socialized into Zen rhetoric and its legitimating
mechanisms see the Master as approaching the ideal, as they have
been indoctrinated to do. The members of the Zen group in North
America mentioned earlier in this paper, which was surprised that
Zen Master could display human foibles, is just one of many examples
that can be given of individuals who accept the Zen rhetoric and
the idealized view of the Master. Because no socialization is complete
there is a part of the Master that is aware of the falsity of his/her
words, activities, and role-playing. That side of the Master's consciousness
is aware of the ordinariness that he/she shares with the rank-and-file
of the Center. However, the Master sees his/her flock accepting
their activities through the lens of the idealized role. While the
Master is aware of the "ordinary" side of his/her own consciousness,
he/she sees the students responding to him/her in his/her idealized
role. As is often the case in this type of encounter, the tendency
exists to then see the students as dupes, "rubes," or people easy
to fool. That is, the alienated Master views his students with little
respect, hence there is an inclination to treat them with disdain
and contempt. Berger states,
The gigantic projections of religious consciousness, whatever
else they may be, constitute the historically most important effort
of man to make reality humanly meaningful, at any price... The great
paradox of religious alienation is that the very process of dehumanizing
the socio-cultural world has its roots in the fundamental wish that
reality as a whole might have a meaningful place for man. One may
thus say that alienation, too, has been a price paid by the religious
consciousness in its quest for a humanly meaningful universe"[61]
The disparity
between the Master's lived everyday life with its occasions for error,
desires, and doubts and the idealized presentation of the person as
Master often repeated in the histories, mondos and koans, is too great.
However, the rhetoric of Zen hinges on the doctrine of Zen lineage
as passed on through Dharma transmission and the institutional legitimacy
and the authority of the Master/roshi is dependent on this model.
Put another way, "doctrine and a narration of the origin of that doctrine
are completely intertwined, with the historicity of ... events essential
to the narration of truth. Though the transmission moment might be
toyed with in later disclaimers that nothing was ultimately transmitted,
the historicity of the lineage cannot be disposed of."[62] That is, the content of the transmission is not so important
as is the performance, the transmission and the re-creation of the
social fact of lineage. However, the latter is ignored by the emphasis
on the former. The Soto sect in Japan is just one very prominent example.
In modern day America, as was probably most often the case, the maintenance
of institutional stability and continuity is of primary importance.
The family of supposed Buddhas is continued into the next generation,
the institution is perpetuated, and of course some "ordinary" members
of the community are necessarily expendable. In this respect, Zen
is no different from other major religious institutions.
There is a clearly visible power dynamic at the core of the Zen student-teacher
relationship. According to sociologist David Bell, "Power implies
the existence of a valued object that a) can be manipulated (i.e.,
increased or diminished by one actor with respect to another); b)
is valued by the respondent; c) is in relatively short supply; d)
is divisible. Any object fulfilling these criteria can become the
basis of a power relationship."[63]
Using the above criteria, insight and understanding of koans and Buddha
Dharma can function as the basis of a power relationship between student
and the Zen Master. The struggle occurs in this area over at least
two issues, the student wanting to be recognized for having realized
the truth of Zen, and over the student being authorized to be a teacher
in his/her own right. An example of this dynamic can be seen in an
event that took place some years ago in a Zen that group was experiencing
tension. A student went to the teacher and said that there was dissatisfaction
and tension in the group. The teacher replied that the problem was
that he was not passing people so easily with their koans. Not passing
koans means that students were not being recognized for attaining
insight, for being enlightened, and also, for those moving along in
the koan curriculum, it means being held back from completing the
koan course and hence, from becoming teachers themselves. That is,
their attaining Dharma transmission and entry into an official Zen
lineage was being blocked. What "not passing the people so easily"
says about koan study and what "passing a koan" actually means, will
not be considered here. Unfortunately, the actual source of the dissatisfaction
and tension was that the teacher, married with a child was secretly
involved with two of his female students, neither of who was his wife.
In order
to maintain the appearance of spiritual authority, the person chosen
to fill the role of Master/roshi is almost forced by the idealizations
attributed to the role by the Zen institution to live in a state of
false consciousness, that is, to live a lie. At the same time there
is a determination among the students to elevate and idealize the
Master as an explemplar of the teaching and principles enshrined in
the lineage's tradition. People want an outstanding teacher, no one
wants an average or mediocre one. The rhetoric of Zen feeds into the
student's desire to have an outstanding teacher as a role model, stating
that the teacher is by definition outstanding, or as three of the
teachers quoted at the beginning of this paper have informed us, "beyond
your understanding," capable of performing miracles and possessed
of a quality of life that is extraordinary. These sorts of words feed
the student with a collection of hints and teasers to stimulate their
fantasies of purity and outstanding spiritual attainment.
This
pressure of the students is a form of complicity with the institution
in accepting the title Master/roshi; they commit themselves to the
descriptions of the position established within the tradition, and
will attribute those qualities to whoever holds the title. In fact,
the qualities imputed to the role of Master, may be all the student
will see. There is a collusion between the Master and the student,
a symbiotic relationship in that it plays into the comforting position
for the student in having a sense of certainty in an idealized role
model; while at the same time the Master is elevated to an idealized
authority figure that in extreme cases almost becomes cultic, as one
can observe around certain Zen centers.
Those
coming to Zen are to some large degree attracted by the sense, meaning,
or ordering that it gives to the experience of life. As we have seen,
this structure and order in Zen, is embodied in the Zen teacher. The
teacher's certainty about his role, largely the result of alienation,
asserts hierarchy. The teacher, seemingly immunized from normal human
doubts, shortcomings and errors, stands high above the students with
their sense of precariousness, self-questioning, and doubt. In a sense,
the student cooperates with the teacher's alienation in order to maintain
the meaning that Zen gives to life, that the teacher "embodies" and
that the student craves, almost with the force of an instinct.[64] The very
hierarchy implied by the alienation of the teacher itself imposes
a structure that is a second level ordering of sorts. One now has
the Zen institution, a system with rituals and hierarchy to live in,
the Master/roshi seen as an idealized figure at the head, monks and
nuns and older students below and so on. This structure offers a channel
for the students' aspirations for progress, and satisfies the desire
for an orderly and sensible world. One can settle into in a well-understood
hierarchy. Each person finds his/her place, either as a new student
or some level of wiser, older student or to become ordained, all with
their attendant privileges and status. One becomes part of an initiated
in-group with a special language, a special way of talking, special
ritual behavior, and an insight into or understand |